Message to the Students of Islamia College Peshawar, July 30, 1940: 3

Message to the Students of

Islamia College Peshawar,
July 30, 1940
very opponents of ours will realize that this is the only solution and the best solution of India’s most complex problem for which there is no parallel in the world. Our opponents, wherever they may be, and the three forces and pahies in this country other than Muslims, we are concerned with our Lahore Resolution- the British Government, the Indian Princess and the Hindus
— let me tell you that it is in the sub-continent of India, and they will tell you why, later on. Therefore, I do not want to go away from my point. If you want to achieve your goal in the shortest and quickest manner then build up the foundaticsns of your nation in the manner, which I have described.
The next thing I want to tell you is, Ladies and gentlemen, we have got two questions before us. One is the question of the present and the next question is of the future.
Now, so far as the present is concerned, let me report to you what the position of Muslim League is.
You know, a great struggle is going on in more than one continent of the world. In this war you know that the British government is virtually involved. You know, rightly or wrongly, according to the present position and the constitution, under which we are ruled, India is a belligerent country. India is now, at the present moment, under the British rule. India, therefore, is involved in this war. India, therefore, has to make all the efforts it can for the intensification of war effort. Now, whatever may be our complaints or our grievances against the British Government, we realize that India also is in danger. It may be our misfortune, but whatever your sentiments and your feelings, you cannot get away from the central fact that India is also in danger and, therefore, in our own interests we cannot put any difficulties in those war efforts which are made
for the purpose of strengthening and augmenting the defence of India.
We also do not wish that Great Britain should be embarrassed in any way. I am not holding a brief on behalf of the British Government, nor do I believe in the sentimental or emotional considerations. That being so the Muslim League was willing even to support and wholeheartedly co-operate with the British Government, provided that it was agreed that not only we should take burden and the responsibility and burden which we were willing to undertake we maintained that, within the present framework of the constitution, the Muslim League representatives must have the real and substantial authority in the government both at the center and in the provinces in order to be able to give real and effective help. How can we take up responsibility and burden as to the disposition of our men when we have no voice in the government and we cannot share in the disposition of our army? How can we take up the responsibility and the burden of the expenditure of millions and crores when we have no voice and no share in the authority that is entitLed to spend that money? How are we going to take that responsibility and discharge it without power and control in the government? The principle was even accepted by the British Government, and it is not denied; but when it came to be translated, Lord Linlithgow or Mr. Amery, or both, I do not know who is responsible, came out with a little mouse and said, ‘We will give you two seats in the Executive Council’ without any more details! That was nullifying in its very inception and trifling at the very commencement with the principle which was so boldly and so wisely and so generously laid down. This offer, as you know, could